Simplified Acquisition Procedures Research Paper

Rearranged Acquisition Procedures - Research Paper Example The administration report utilizes Simplified acquisitions to outline the methodology that authorizes a test technique that licenses government buyers to obtain productive things that don't outperform a specific sum (Engelbeck, 2001, p. 29). 2. Portray the conditions under which the legislature permits the utilization of the improved procurement methods One of the conditions offered by the administration concerning the utilization of the Simplified acquisitions is that the administration ready to approve buys. Organization authorities have been approved to force most extreme sums for buys made. In 1996, the congress augmented the utilization of rearranged acquisitions by legitimizing a test plan that licenses purchasers to buy things that don't go past $5 million. Subsequently, the most extreme value set was a prerequisite that all system purchasers needed to development. Another condition is the authorization of giving a joined layout and requesting. This requesting system spread ou t the plans, methodology, purchasing modes and merchants to be utilized all through the purchasing technique. Along these lines, the administration would represent each dollar utilized in the exchange. The giving strategy may have additionally required proposition consistence in under 45 days as would or, in all likelihood be required (GAO, 2003, p.3). Government purchasers would likewise be required to set up an official evaluation plan or forceful assortment, complete discussions with sellers or accomplish citations or offers. Potential purchasing dangers will be acknowledged through this condition, and make the legislature less inclined to misfortunes or spending changes. Another condition that the administration applied to all purchasers under Simplified acquisitions was the minimization of the qualifications expected to give solid purpose behind pay choices. The accreditations utilized for such exchanges devour loads of government use, and Simplified acquisitions are one path f or the legislature to diminish consumption on auxiliary products and enterprises in that capacity (GAO, 2003, p.2). Right now, the administration gives a test program to incorporate contact methods for all officials associated with the buying strategy. The administration looks for most extreme productivity and sparing with insignificant costs or money related weights. Another condition that the administration anticipates is the adherence to the agreement provisions prearranged by uncommon documentation that limits managerial expenses. This documentation has prerequisites masterminded by a wide margin 12.3 with the point of constraining events of sole premise acquisitions. Rearranged acquisitions additionally require a short composed report of the procedures of utilized while repaying the agreement document. Different pay in the agreement incorporate the quantity of offers built up, a depiction of the establishment of the agreement reward appraisal, and some approval for a sole premi se procurement (Engelbeck, 2001, p. 44). 3. Three instances of the disentangled securing strategies and where they may be suitable in an administration acquirement contract A case of Simplified acquisitions procedures is a test plan utilized by the legislature in January 1, 2004. The legislature utilized Simplified acquisitions to smoothen the progression of contracting vehicles that government departments use for getting products and ventures. The test program included the utilization of conveyance understandings among purchasers and the venders tor evoke the odds of procurement hazard, and spare time over the span of getting the things (GAO, 2003, p.3). Another model is the utilization of procurement cards that

The Reproduction of Emotion Creating Lexico-Stylistic Devices of the Short Story the Pit and the Pendulum by E. A. Poe in the Ukrainian Translation by R. Dotsenko

Service of Education and Science, Youth and Sport of Ukraine Lviv Ivan Franko National University Faculty of Foreign Languages Hryhoriy Kochur Department of Translation Studies and Contrastive Linguistics The multiplication of feeling making lexico-complex gadgets of the short story The Pit and the Pendulum by E. A. Poe in the Ukrainian interpretation by R. Dotsenko Course paper Done by a fourth year understudy O. V. Pidhorodetska Scholarly administrator: L. M. Tarapatska Reviewer: T. O. Dytyna LVIV 2012 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. Chapter1. EMOTIVE PROSE AS A SPECIFIC GENRE OF ARTISTIC LITERATURE AND EPITHET, SIMILE AND METAPHOR AS MEANS OF CREATIVE REPRESENTATION OF IDEAS IN A LITERARY WORK†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã ¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 6 1. 1. Emotive writing as a type of imaginative writing and quirks of its translation†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 6 1. 2. The idea of appellation as an individual from sobriquet development and methods of its rendering during the time spent translation†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 1. 3. Comparison as a complex gadget and strategies for its translation†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ 12 1. 4. The thought of similitude and issues associated with its translation†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 15 Chapter 2. E. A. P OE'S SHORT STORY THE PIT AND THE PENDULUM AND THE REPRODUCTION OF ITS EMOTION CREATING LEXICO-STYLISTIC DEVICES IN THE UKRAINIAN TRANSLATIONBY R. DOTSENKO†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 20 2. 1. Trademark highlights of E. A. Poe's short story The Pit and the Pendulum. 20 2. 2. The multiplication of feeling making designations, likenesses and representations of the short story by E.A. Poe in the Ukrainian interpretation by R. Dotsenko†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 21 CONCLUSIONS†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. 32 LIST OF REFERENCES†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. 33 INTRODUCTION Edgar Allan Po e's The Pit and the Pendulum is a short story of the ghastly depicting the experience of being tormented. The paper focuses on the feeling making lexico-expressive gadgets of the story as rendered in the Ukrainian interpretation by R. Dotsenko.The inquire about paper is an endeavor to examine designation, analogy and similitude inside the given work of writing, where they fill in as essential methods for making the impact of frightfulness and having an enthusiastic effect on the readership, and to break down the idiosyncrasies of recreating these lexico-complex highlights of the first in the Ukrainian interpretation done by Rostyslav Dotsenko. The topicality of the paper comprises in the way that lexico-elaborate gadgets structure the premise of any artistic work since they fill in as methods for inventive portrayal of the writer's thoughts and delivering emotive effect on the readership.As far as lexico-expressive gadgets are mirroring writer's individual perspective on an item or wonder and may include foundation information on the readership for the sober minded effect on be understood, their interpretation requires interpreter's innovativeness. The paper sums up the thoughts communicated by Russian and Ukrainian researchers (I. Galperin, A. Fiodorov, I. Retsker, B. Koptilov and D. Diuryshyn) just as outside ones (M. Sanches, I. Burkhanov) concerning emotive exposition as a particular sort of writing and its trademark highlights which ought to be aken into account by an interpreter. The paper likewise plots the ideas of sobriquet, likeness and analogy, their fucntions in an imaginative content and techniques for their propagation by methods for target language as explored by K. Lototska, O. Hrabovetska, O. Molchko, T. Onoprienko, Yu. Skrebnev, P. Newmark, P. Pierini, M. Larson and different researchers. The general point of the directed research might be characterized as an endeavor to follow to which degree the expressiveness and enthusiastic stacking of d esignations, analogies and illustrations were recreated in the translation.The object of the paper is a stylystic capacity of sobriquets, likenesses and allegories as methods for making negative feelings inside the short story The Pit and the Pendulum by E. A. Poe and its Ukrainian interpretation done by Rostyslav Dotsenko. The subject of the paper is the propagation of feeling making lexico-elaborate gadgets (appellations, comparisons and allegories) of the previously mentioned short story in the Ukrainian interpretation and the interpretation strategies applied by Rostyslav Dotsenko so as to pass on in a sufficient manner the climate of the grotesque planned by the creator. The destinations of the paper are the accompanying: to characterize trademark highlights of the artistic composition under examination, which has a place with the class of emotive exposition; * to give hypothetical premise to thought of appellation, likeness and illustration as significant methods for making ne gative and â€Å"obscure emotion† passing on the shocking; * to investigate elaborate capacity and expressive capability of sobriquets, analogies and allegories in the given scholarly work; * to break down the eccentricities of the interpreted lexico-complex gadgets, their elaborate capacity and enthusiastic stacking; * to look at the logical effect created by deciphered designations, comparisons and representations with that delivered by relating unique lexico-complex gadgets. The techniques applied during the time spent examination of the first scholarly work and its Ukrainian interpretation comprise1)method of word reference definition and ontrastive componential examination (to analyze unobtrusive contrasts insemantic structure and passionate stacking of unique and deciphered lexico-complex gadgets), 2) elaborate investigation (to follow the satisfactory multiplication of elaborate shading of the first abstract work in the interpretation), 3) relative investigation (to re search climate the expressiveness ofthe deciphered lexico-elaborate gadgets is comparable to that of the first tropes). The reasonable estimation of the paper comprises in the examination of interpreted designations, analogies and similitudes of the short story by E. A. Poe, which guarantees understanding the significance of these lexico-complex gadgets for making negative feelings inside the system of the artistic work. The examination depends on the corpus of 87 examples from the analized short story. The paper comprises of Introduction, Chapter 1, Chapter 2, Conclusions and List of References. Section 1 focuses on the exploration of emotive composition and idiosyncrasies of its translation.The part additionally contains contemplations on the ideas of designation, comparison and allegory, their working inside a scholarly work and methods of rendering them into an objective language. Part 2 includes by and large investigation of feeling making lexico-elaborate gadgets of the short story The Pit and the Pendulum and furthermore contains contrastive examination of the most splendid instances of unique appellations, comparisons and illustrations and the correspinding lexico-complex gadgets in the Ukrainian interpretation. The Conclusions contain the consequences of the led examine, plot the strategies for interpretation applied by R. Dotsenko while recreating feeling making lexico-expressive gadgets of the short story.The List of References gives the rundown of hypothetical, abstract and lexicographical sources which were refered to in the paper and counseled so as to direct of the exploration. Section 1. EMOTIVE PROSE AS A SPECIFIC GENRE OF LITERATURE AND EPITHET, SIMILE AND METAPHOR AS MEANS OF CREATIVE REPRESENTATION OF IDEAS IN A LITERARY WORK 1. 1. Emotive exposition as a type of creative writing and quirks of its interpretation. So as to get a handle on the points of interest of aesthetic interpretation, it is sensible to take a gander at the properties of artistic content first. Clearly every content sort is portrayed with certain style of language dictated by the capacity performed by the content. The style of writing was designated by I.Galperin as beauties lettres, a conventional term which involves three substyles: 1) the language of verse, 2) emotive prose,and 3) the language of the dramatization [31, p. 250]. Each of these substyles has certain basic highlights which make the establishment out of the style and by which the specific style can be perceived and singled out. In addition, each substyle has distinct individual highlights by which they are recognized. The most significant element of an abstract work is that it is a carrier of a tasteful capacity. Artistic content comprises abstractly changed impression of the target reality in congruity with the tasteful enthusiastic plan of the creator: he/she tries to pass on their thoughts, contemplations and emotions.From the perspective of the language assets decision, scholarly work is described with 1) veritable symbolism accomplished by simply semantic gadgets, 2) the utilization of words in various implications, enormously impacted by the lexical condition, 3) jargon which will reflect in a specific way the creator's very own assessment of things or wonders, 4) curious individual determination of jargon and sentence structure, and 5) the presentation of the run of the mill f

Jumping from NYC to DC; My advice to students who want to work outside of NYC COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY - SIPA Admissions Blog

Jumping from NYC to DC; My advice to students who want to work outside of NYC COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY - SIPA Admissions Blog Note from Admissions: Congratulations to the  eight SIPA students selected to join the Presidential Management Fellows Class of 2019! Only ~8.7 percent of applicants were selected to become finalists in  this prestigious U.S. government development program  for 2019. We thought this would be a good opportunity to check in with other SIPA students who are heading to Washington D.C. When I first considered applying to the State Department’s Pickering Fellowship, I was unsure whether it was worth my time. I assumed that students from D.C. studying International Affairs would have a considerable advantage, since I attended a small liberal arts college in Los Angeles where I studied History and Government. However, when speaking with alumni of the fellowship, I was told that my non-D.C. background could help my application for the State Department and other employers throughout my career. After receiving the fellowship, and having worked in D.C., I would agree with this sentiment. Ultimately, I believe that employers look for talent and people with new and interesting ideas, regardless of where an applicant is from. Therefore, I would urge anyone considering SIPA to apply, even if they want to pursue a career in D.C. afterwards; here at SIPA, you’ll learn and grow in ways that will make you competitive for any job in any city. SIPA’s greatest resource is New York City. As a student of policy, you will have endless opportunities to engage with experts and leading organizations in your field who are working in arguably the world’s most dynamic city. Because of SIPA’s location, you will also have access to world class faculty and students who are pursuing careers in everything from finance to humanitarian work. SIPA also offers a very holistic curriculum and attracts students from the around the world who want to study in a global city. I can honestly say that I have learned as much from my peers as I have from my classes. In turn, you may actually have an advantage over students who are in D.C. or any other city, partly because of everything that SIPA students are exposed to in New York. Personally, I know of many students who are fully committed to working in D.C. after graduating, myself included. Many of these students use their summer in between their first and second year to pursue an internship in DC, as an opportunity to build a relationship with a potential employer and to get an idea of what they would ideally like to do full-time. SIPA has relationships with almost every major organization in D.C. and therefore students are made aware of internship and full-time job opportunities available in D.C. all the time. Almost any employer in D.C. will recognize Columbia University and SIPA, and you will not be at a disadvantage during the recruiting process. In terms of community in D.C., SIPA students end up all over; some work for the State Department, some work for think tanks like The Brookings Institution, and others end up at NGOs like Human Rights Campaign. Since SIPA’s Office of Career Services has strong relationships with alumni and organizations with heavy SIPA representation, it is easy to get in contact with alumni, who are always happy to offer advice or maybe even an opportunity at an interview. I always tell people, living and studying in New York is never a bad choice. If you are interested in SIPA’s program offerings and think it is a good fit academically and socially, then consider applying/enrolling, even if you don’t plan to be here long-term!

Jumping from NYC to DC; My advice to students who want to work outside of NYC COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY - SIPA Admissions Blog

Jumping from NYC to DC; My advice to students who want to work outside of NYC COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY - SIPA Admissions Blog Note from Admissions: Congratulations to the  eight SIPA students selected to join the Presidential Management Fellows Class of 2019! Only ~8.7 percent of applicants were selected to become finalists in  this prestigious U.S. government development program  for 2019. We thought this would be a good opportunity to check in with other SIPA students who are heading to Washington D.C. When I first considered applying to the State Department’s Pickering Fellowship, I was unsure whether it was worth my time. I assumed that students from D.C. studying International Affairs would have a considerable advantage, since I attended a small liberal arts college in Los Angeles where I studied History and Government. However, when speaking with alumni of the fellowship, I was told that my non-D.C. background could help my application for the State Department and other employers throughout my career. After receiving the fellowship, and having worked in D.C., I would agree with this sentiment. Ultimately, I believe that employers look for talent and people with new and interesting ideas, regardless of where an applicant is from. Therefore, I would urge anyone considering SIPA to apply, even if they want to pursue a career in D.C. afterwards; here at SIPA, you’ll learn and grow in ways that will make you competitive for any job in any city. SIPA’s greatest resource is New York City. As a student of policy, you will have endless opportunities to engage with experts and leading organizations in your field who are working in arguably the world’s most dynamic city. Because of SIPA’s location, you will also have access to world class faculty and students who are pursuing careers in everything from finance to humanitarian work. SIPA also offers a very holistic curriculum and attracts students from the around the world who want to study in a global city. I can honestly say that I have learned as much from my peers as I have from my classes. In turn, you may actually have an advantage over students who are in D.C. or any other city, partly because of everything that SIPA students are exposed to in New York. Personally, I know of many students who are fully committed to working in D.C. after graduating, myself included. Many of these students use their summer in between their first and second year to pursue an internship in DC, as an opportunity to build a relationship with a potential employer and to get an idea of what they would ideally like to do full-time. SIPA has relationships with almost every major organization in D.C. and therefore students are made aware of internship and full-time job opportunities available in D.C. all the time. Almost any employer in D.C. will recognize Columbia University and SIPA, and you will not be at a disadvantage during the recruiting process. In terms of community in D.C., SIPA students end up all over; some work for the State Department, some work for think tanks like The Brookings Institution, and others end up at NGOs like Human Rights Campaign. Since SIPA’s Office of Career Services has strong relationships with alumni and organizations with heavy SIPA representation, it is easy to get in contact with alumni, who are always happy to offer advice or maybe even an opportunity at an interview. I always tell people, living and studying in New York is never a bad choice. If you are interested in SIPA’s program offerings and think it is a good fit academically and socially, then consider applying/enrolling, even if you don’t plan to be here long-term!

The Perspective Crime And Science Meet - 1395 Words

Biosocial Perspective: Crime and Science Meet As time continues to progress so does science and from this has come out many criminological perspectives—including feminist, Marxist, and modern biosocial, but what is the purpose of each perspective? And more importantly, how do they benefit traditional criminological theories? Simply put the purpose of each perspective to take a look at something that traditional theories ignored while also explaining why it’s important we take a look at this ideal when considering why crime might occur. For the sake of this paper, the focus will be placed on modern biosocial perspective and the vast benefits it has brought and will continue to bring to the field of criminology. Modern Biosocial Perspective†¦show more content†¦However, these theories had negative policy implications through a eugenics movement which encouraged the sterilization of criminals, voluntary or not, euthanasia (Rose, 2000), chemical castration, and preventative incapacitation (Simon, 2006), to name a few. While this might be a dark part of history in criminology it’s important it’s addressed because biosocial grew out of this dark past once science began to advance and once the notions of eugenics and determinism were no longer found in criminology (Gibson Rafter, 2006). Through twin studies and DNA testing, scientists have found that there is a link between genetics and criminality but that those genetics and biochemical imbalances do not determine an assured life of crime just because you have a father that is in the criminal justice system (Mednick et al., 1977). Rather, it’s a mix of biology and environment that can create a criminal or not. Discussion Application of Biosocial Perspective to Traditional Theories One of the great benefits of the biosocial perspective is how it can be applied to various traditional theories like general strain theory, social learning, and self-control (Wright Boisvert, 2009). Examples of the application of biosocial to the previously mentioned theories can be seen in self-control. When you consider the science of our brains, it has been found that self-control isShow MoreRelatedCapital Punishment And Its Impact On Society1292 Words   |  6 PagesCapital punishment has and will continue to be a controversial subject. There are many that vehemently oppose its function, while others adamantly support it use, especially when confronted with horrific crimes. The sanctioning of death for the punishment of murder and other heinous acts in the United States has declined in recent years. 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Impact Of Globalization On The Economy - 1881 Words

Globalisation and the economy are two interchangeable ideas with one another. Globalisation is not a single concept since it encompasses multiple components such as economic integration; the transfer of policies across borders; the transmission of knowledge and cultural stability it is a global process (Al-Rodhan Stoudmann, 2006). The best representation of globalisation is the process in which businesses create international influence where they can then begin to operate on a global scale (Al-Rodhan Stoudmann, 2006). A country that succeeds in globalisation is one that will become an economic force in the world. Third world countries like Cuba have some of the worst economies in the world because of poor globalisation that is a result†¦show more content†¦In the case of Cuba and the United States globalisation refers to the increased economic integration between these two countries. Nonetheless, with little doubt among economists it can be shown that used effectively glob alisation has produced significant gains at the global level. However, there is a threat that globalisation can intensify the gap between rich and poor between a country and across nations. Globalisations linked to politics as it is a part of a government process since the government can shape or limit the possibilities for private entrepreneurship (Dreher, Gaston Martens, 2010). Politics is also influenced by the globalisation of a country because of the international relations between countries. Third world countries are seen as obsolete and constricted because they are considered ineffective by having too many transnational connections and not having the ability to grow and gain international connections (Haynes). Third world countries like Cuba who are seen as economically weak will have a harder time being incorporated into the global world and therefore politically, the country will not excel as much as it could. A country is affected economically by globalisation as the flow of goods and services and factors of production have both direct and indirect effects on a nation state (Dreher, Gaston Martens, 2010). Globalisation has the ability to be veryShow MoreRelatedImpact Of Globalization On The Economy1530 Words   |  7 PagesThe impact that globalization has and will have on the U.S economy continues to be one of the most debated economic issues of our times. Many people believe that due to the international trade there are less jobs and lower wages for people. International trade is important to the America economy, and to the economy of the world as whole, because neither the United States nor any other country in the world has everything that its people need and want. 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The Effects Of Operant Conditioning And Positive...

One of the most well renowned American behavioral psychologists, B.F. Skinner was considered a pioneer in the development of operant conditioning and positive reinforcement. While some of his radical views, such as the illusion of free will, garnered criticism, his contributions to the field of behaviorism, most notably â€Å"The Skinner Box†, made him an influential psychologist. B. F. Skinner was born on March 20, 1904 in Susquehanna Pennsylvania, a small railroad town where he enjoyed roaming the countryside. From a young age, Skinner demonstrated his intelligence, and had gained a reputation in high school for debating intellectual and philosophical subjects with his teachers. After graduating valedictorian of his class, he attended Hamilton College in Utica, New York. Graduating in 1926, Skinner decided to spend a year writing and during this period, he became highly interested in behavioral psychology after reading philosopher Bertram Russell’s review of John B. Watson’s Behaviorism. At twenty four, Skinner enrolled as a psychology graduate student at Harvard University and earned his degree three years later. Skinner adhered to the principles of behaviorism, a popular school of thought until the 1950 s. Behaviorism differs from other fields of psychology in that it is not a mental science, which treats unobservable mental events as the causes of behavior, but instead claims that the cause of a behavior is due to the environment and the individual sShow MoreRelatedClassical and Operant Conditioning Essay1000 Words   |  4 Pagesworld. Classical conditioning and operant conditioning are both basic forms of learning, they have the word conditioning in common. Conditioning is the acquisition of specific patterns of behavior in the presence of well-defined stimuli. Classical conditioning is a type of learning in which an organism learns to transfer a natural response from one stimulus to another, previously neutral stimulus. 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In classical conditioning, the reinforcement comes before the response is madeRead MoreThe Theory of Operant Conditioning1136 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿ The Theory of Operant Conditioning PSY390 October 6, 2014 Introduction The study of human behavior by psychologists such as B.F. Skinner, Edward Thorndike, Ivan Pavlov, and Watson is fascinating. These five psychologists each have different theories on human behavior. There are similarities and differences in each of the theories. Ivan Pavlov’s classical conditioning theory, studied animals and formed the basis for behavioral psychology (Cherry, 2013). Edward Thorndike’sRead MoreTraining A Dog For Roll Over Is A Great Model For Evaluating Acquiring New Knowledge And Behaviors985 Words   |  4 Pagesunderstand how learning works so that you can develop a strategy to properly and quickly teach your dog. The example of training a dog to roll over is a great model for analysing the aspects of learning involved with this process. 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A child is repeatedly exhibiting inappropriate and unwanted behaviour (e.g. hitting sibling), which conditioning procedures could be used to most effectively stop this? Behaviours that produce favourable consequences are repeated and become habits, but those that produce unfavourable consequences tend not to recur (Ouellette and Wood, 1998 as cited in Martin et.al, 2006). Experience changes the probability of repeating certain behaviours indicating that learning involves adaptation. As timeRead MoreSkinner Behavioral Analysis Summary972 Words   |  4 Pagesgenetics. Conditioning According to our text Skinner recognized two forms of Conditioning. One is called classical and the other is operant. In classical conditioning a response is produced in relation to a specific stimulus, so the environment acts on the organism. In operant the organism performs a behavior and the environment responds thereby reinforcing the behavior. Examples of conditioning types: Classical Conditioning – Salivating in response to the smell of food Operant Conditioning - HavingRead MoreOperant Conditioning and Skinners Method1158 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿Operant Conditioning Introduction Operant conditioning is also referred to as instrumental conditioning and is reported as a method of learning that occurs through rewards and punishments for behavior. Through operant conditioning an association is made between a behavior and a consequence for that behavior. (Cherry, 2007) Operant conditioning was first examined by B.F. Skinner, a behaviorist and this is why it is referr3ed to as Skinnerian conditioning. (Cherry, 2007) Skinner held that

Effective Social Media Communication-Free-Samples for Students

Question: Discuss about the Use of the Social Media for Workplace Communication. Answer: Introduction Effective communication is one of the essential activities that needs to be incorporated within the workplace. Lack of effcetive communication makes it difficult to deal with the technical and high level of challenges that are involved within the workplace. It is also not possible to implement the proper strategies of decision making system (Meredith, 2012). This prospal aims to focus upon the use of social media that will be used as a part of the communication strategy within the workplace. The purpose of the report from the proposal is to identify the communication issues that are encountered within the Commonwealth Bank. The following report will thereby help to implement the newcommunication strategy that is based upon the use of the tool of social media. The intended audience for the report will be the stakeholders and the employees of the Commonwealth Bank. The report will thereby help the internal stakeholders of the organization to make proper use of the tool of social media as an important part of the communication strategy. The Common Wealth Bank is one of the top financial organization within region of Australia and NewZealand with the total number of employees of 45,129 (Commbank.com.au, 2017). This makes the organization one of the top recruiter within the region. The communication strategy of the bank is focused upon improving better level of customer service and better work performance within the employees. With the help of the strategy of integrated marketing campaign, it is possible for the bank to improve upon the networking communication. Discussions The report will discuss about the communication information strategy that is being implemented within the bank. This helps them to maintain high level of clarity within the stakeholders. The report will highlight information about the communication strategy that will be implemented within the workplace of the Commonwealth Bank. It is also important to discuss about the importance and the popularity of the social media that can help to deal with the cases related with the communication issues. Importance and ease of the use of the social media will also be an important part of the discussion. The information of the total percentage of people, who make use of the social media will be used as a part of the report. This is also one of the most important part of implementing new communication strategy. It can be said that due to the popularity of the social media, it is possible to make use of the same as part of business communication. This is also one of the major implications that can help in the matters related to providing important companyinformation to the stakeholders. The banks policy needs to consider few of the important matters related with communication process (Qualman, 2010). The main aim of the communication strategy is to ensure that workers at all level of the bank are able to share their work related thoughts. In the context, it can be said that with the use of the social media it is possible to easily to develop the network with the organization (Edosomwan et al., 2011). Conclusion The conclusion part will provide the justification for using the tool of social media as part of the communication strategy. It will also help to focus on the strategies that can be used as a part of the communication strategy and thereby highlight the importance of the same. Recommendations Recommendations need to be provided such that effective social media communication is carried out in the Common Wealth Bank. Effective use of social media, for the purpose of business, along with ensuring improved level of social media communication strategy is also recommended. References Commbank.com.au. (2017). Commonwealth Bank provides an update on customer and employee review and remediation actions. [online] Available at: https://www.commbank.com.au/guidance/newsroom/customer-and-employee-review-and-remediation-201708.html [Accessed 7 Nov. 2017]. Edosomwan, S., Prakasan, S. K., Kouame, D., Watson, J., Seymour, T. (2011). The history of social media and its impact on business. Journal of Applied Management and entrepreneurship, 16(3), 79. Meredith, M. J. (2012). Strategic communication and social media: An MBA course from a business communication perspective. Business Communication Quarterly, 75(1), 89-95. Qualman, E. (2010). Socialnomics: How social media transforms the way we live and do business. John Wiley Sons.

Anatomy Physiology Essay Example

Anatomy Physiology Essay Example Anatomy Physiology Paper Anatomy Physiology Paper 1. The maintenance of normal volume and composition of extracellular and intracellular fluids is vital to life. List and briefly describe the kinds of homeostasis involved. In males and females, intracellular fluid has a greater proportion of total body water than does extracellular fluid. Give-and-take between the ICF and the ECF happens across plasma membranes by osmosis, diffusion, and carrier-mediated transport. The kinds of homeostasis involved are fluid Balance, electrolyte Balance, and Acid–Base Balance. Fluid balance is when the quantity of water we gain each day is equivalent to the amount we lose to the environment. The upkeep of normal fluid balance includes regulating the content and sharing of body water in the ECF and the ICF. The digestive system is the main source of water gains; a small amount of extra water is generated by metabolic activity. With electrolyte balance, it involves balancing the amounts of absorption across the digestive tract with amounts of loss at the kidneys. Everyday our body fluids gain electrolytes from drinks or foods we take in, and in turn, loose them through urinating, sweating and defecating. â€Å"If the gains and losses for every electrolyte are in balance, you are said to be in electrolyte balance.† We are in acid–base balance when the making of hydrogen ions in our body is exactly offset by their loss. When acid–base balance occurs, the pH of body fluids stays within normal limits. Stopping a reduction in pH is the main problem, because our body produces a variety of acids during normal metabolic tasks. 2. Why does maintaining fluid balance in older people require a higher water intake than in a normal, healthy adult under age 40? Water encompasses 55% in elderly people and is vital for cellular homeostasis and life. With respect to heat stress, water lost through perspiring decreases water content of plasma, and the elderly are less capable to compensate for amplified blood viscosity. Not only do they require a physiological hypodipsia, but this can be exaggerated by central nervous system disease and by dementia. Together with less fluid intake, with advancing age there is a decrease in total body water. The elderly have impaired renal fluid conservation mechanisms and have impaired responses to heat and cold stress. All of these factors add to an increased risk of hypohydration and dehydration in the elderly. 3. Why does potassium concentration rise in patients with acidosis? What is this called? What effects does it have? Sweat is a hypotonic solution that has Na+ in lower concentration than the ECF. As a consequence, a person who is sweating copiously loses more water than salt, and this loss leads to a increase in the Na+ concentration of the ECF. The water content of the ECF declines as the water loss happens, so blood volume falls. Clinically, this condition is often called volume depletion. Because volume depletion happens simultaneously that blood is being shunted away from the kidneys, kidney function is damaged and waste products collect in the blood. 4. Saline solution is used to reverse hypotonic hydration. Are body cell membranes permeable to saline? Explain your response. Body cell membranes are permeable to saline. The permeability of membranes is controlled by the mass of the pores or holes. The size of the pores can be altered in reaction to pressure and hormones. Some membranes selectively permit channel of certain ions or molecules and dismiss all others. 5. Explain the renin-angiotensin mechanism. Constant abnormalities in the Na+ concentration in the ECF happen only when there are severe complications with fluid balance, such as dehydration or overhydration. When the body’s water content increases enough to lessen the Na+ concentration of the ECF below 136 mEq/L, a state of hyponatremia (natrium, sodium) occurs. When body water content drops, the Na+ concentration increases; when that concentration surpasses 145 mEq/L, hypernatremia exists. Renin is an enzyme secreted into the blood from specified cells that surround the arterioles at the entry to the glomeruli of the kidneys (the renal capillary networks that are the filtration units of the kidney). The renin-secreting cells, which comprise the juxtaglomerular apparatus, are delicate to changes in blood flow and blood pressure. The main stimulus for increased renin secretion is diminished blood flow to the kidneys, which may be triggered by loss of sodium and water (as a result of diarrhea, persistent vomiting, or extreme perspiration) or by thinning of a renal artery. 6. Explain how ADH compensates for blood that contains too many solutes. Osmoreceptors in the hypothalamus respond to alterations in blood composition, such as less water and too many solutes. The posterior pituitary is notified to release antidiuretic hormone (ADH) which journeys through the blood to its target organ, the kidney. In the kidney, the collecting ducts answer back to ADH by reabsorbing more water. When this happens, more water comes back to the blood, while lesser amounts of concentrated urine are made. ADH is released and additional water is reabsorbed from the filtrate until blood solute concentration comes back to normal.

The Development of Social Security in America Essays

The Development of Social Security in America Essays The Development of Social Security in America Essay The Development of Social Security in America Essay (PROG-WI); 10. Rep. John Dingell, Sr. D-MI); 11. Sen. Augustine Lonergan (D-CT); 12. Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins; 13. Rep. Frank Crowther (R-NY); 14. Sen. William H. King (D-UT); 15. Rep. David J. Lewis (D-MD); 16. Sen. Byron Patton â€Å"Pat† Harrison (D-MS); 17. Sen. Joseph Guffey (D-PA); 18. Sen. Edward Costigan (D-CO); 19. Rep. Samuel B. Hill (D-WA); 20. Rep. Fred Vinson (D-KY); and 21. President Franklin D. Roosevelt. SSA History Museum Archives. 6 socialsecurity. gov/policy the original program. Coverage under the program was by occupational category, with most covered workers employed in â€Å"commerce and industry. Among the excluded groups were the self-employed, government employees, persons already age 65, the military, professionals (doctors, lawyers, etc. ), employees of nonprofit organizations, and agricultural and domestic workers. 18 Financing was to be generated from a payroll tax imposed equ ally on employers and employees (with no government contribution). The tax rate was initially set at 1 percent on each party, with scheduled increases every 3 years, to an eventual rate of 3 percent each by 1949. Payroll taxes were to begin in January 1937, and the first benefits were to be payable for January 1942. The wage base (the amount of earnings subject to the tax) was set at $3,000. This level was sufficient to include 92 percent of all wages paid to the covered groups. Stated another way, about 97 percent of all covered workers had their entire earnings subject to the tax (SSA 2010). 19 The First Social Security Payments The Social Security Act of 1935 set the start payroll taxes in 1937 and the start of monthly benefits in 1942. This was a kind of â€Å"vesting period,† in which a minimum amount of work would be required to qualify for monthly benefits. This period also allowed time to build some level of reserves in the program’s account before payments began flowing to beneficiaries. The vesting period arrangement presented a conundrum: How should the program treat those workers who turn age 65 during this period, or who die before January 1942? These individuals would have contributed something to the system, and it was thought that they should receive some return for their contributions. Thus, the original program paid two types of one-time, lump-sum benefits in the 1937–1939 period. A person attaining age 65 during this time would be entitled to a one-time payment equal to 3. 5 percent of his or her covered earnings; and the estate of a deceased worker would receive a â€Å"death benefit† computed in the same way. Because the payroll tax in these years was only 1 percent for workers, this would mean a substantial â€Å"return† on their payroll taxes. The first person to take advantage of these benefits- and thus the first Social Security payment ever made- was a Cleveland, Ohio streetcar motorman named Ernest Ackerman. Ackerman worked one day under Social Security- January 1, 1937. His wage for that day was $5. He dutifully paid his payroll tax of one nickel and he received a one-time check from Social Security for 17 cents. 22 In the 1937–1939 period, more than 441,000 people received Social Security benefits totaling over $25 million (see Table 3). Of the total monies paid to beneficiaries during this period, 39 percent was for so-called â€Å"life cases† (like Ackerman), and 61 percent went for â€Å"death benefits. † The Amendments of 1939 Even before monthly benefits were due to start in 1942, the Social Security Act of 1935 was changed in quite fundamental ways by major legislative amendments in 1939. This legislation emerged from the work of an advisory council jointly formed in 1938 by the Senate Finance Committee and the Social Security Board. Conservative members of the Finance Committee (especially Arthur Vandenberg, R-MI) wanted to use the council to revisit the debate over the reserve, while the Social Security Board (especially Arthur Building on the Cornerstone The Social Security system with which we are familiar today is far different from the one created in 1935. In each of the three major policymaking areas (coverage, benefits, and financing), the program has undergone a slow but dramatic evolution. Coverage was initially very limited. Only slightly more than half the workers in the economy were participants in the program under the 1935 law. Today we could describe Social Security’s coverage as nearly universal, with about 93 percent of all workers participating in the program. Benefits were initially paid only to retirees and only to the individual worker, himself or herself. There were no other types of benefits and no benefits for dependent family members. Benefits were also far from generous. Financing has always been an issue. Although some aspects of this matter were decisively settled in 1935, others have continued to be sources of ongoing policy contention and political debate. Social Security has evolved over the past 75 years principally through the form of a dozen or so major legislative enactments. In broad terms, the period from 1935 through 1972 is the expansionary period for the program, and the period since 1972 has been a period of policy retrenchment. 20 The major Social Security legislation is highlighted in Table 2. 21 Social Security Bulletin, Vol. 70, No. 3, 2010 7 Table 2. Major Social Security legislation Law The Social Security Act The 1939 amendments The 1950 amendments Date enacted August 14, 1935 August 10, 1939 August 28, 1950 Major features Established individual retirement benefits. Added dependents and survivors benefits and made benefits more generous for early participants. Financing at issue. Adjusted, on a major scale, coverage and financing. Increased benefits for the first time. Provided for gratuitous wage credits for military service. Raised benefits; liberalized retirement test and expanded gratuitous wage credits for military service. Extended coverage. Disability â€Å"freeze. † Added cash disability benefits at age 50. Early retirement for women. Added benefits for dependents of disabled beneficiaries. Disability benefits at any age. Established early retirement for men. Liberalized eligibility requirements for other categories. Added disabled widow(er)s benefits. Added automatic annual cost-of-living adjustments. Raised taxes and scaled back benefits. Long-range solvency at issue. Tightened disability eligibility rules. Eliminated student benefits after high school. Legislation in 1952 Legislation in 1954 The 1956 amendments The 1958 amendments The 1960 amendments The 1961 amendments The 1967 amendments The 1972 Debt-Ceiling Bill The 1977 amendments The 1980 amendments Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1981 The 1983 amendments Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993 Senior Citizens Freedom to Work Act of 2000 July 18, 1952 September 1, 1954 August 1, 1956 August 28, 1958 September 13, 1960 June 30, 1961 January 2, 1968 July 1, 1972 December 20, 1977 June 9, 1980 August 13, 1981 April 20, 1983 August 10, 1993 Raised taxes and scaled back benefits. Long-range and short-range solvency at issue. Raised taxable portion of Social Security benefits from 50 percent to 85 percent. Eliminated the retirement earnings test for those at the full retirement age. April 7, 2000 SOURCE: Congressional Research Service (CRS) Report RL30920, Major Decisions in the House and Senate on Social Security, 1935–2009. Altmeyer, its chairman) wanted to use the council to promote expansion of the benefits beyond the basic individual retirement program codified in the 1935 act. In the end, both groups got some of what they wanted. The legislation advanced the start of monthly benefits from 1942 to 1940; it added dependents benefits; and it replaced the system of one-time death payments with regular monthly survivors benefits. Advancing the start of monthly benefits from 1942 to 1940 meant that the first Social Security monthly benefit would be paid in January 1940. By chance, the first person to become a monthly Social Security 8 beneficiary was a retired legal secretary from Ludlow, Vermont- Ida May Fuller. Fuller retired in November 1939 at age 65 and received the first-ever monthly Social Security benefit on January 31, 1940. Her monthly check was for $22. 4. The amendments of 1939 provided benefits for wives and widows (but no corresponding benefits for men) and also for dependent children. The wife of a retired worker and each minor child could receive a benefit equal to half the covered worker’s benefit, and widows could receive 75 percent of the worker’s benefit (all for no additional payr oll taxes). 23 socialsecurity. gov/policy Table 3. Number of Social Security beneficiaries and payment amounts, 1937–1939 Year 1937 1938 1939 Total Beneficiaries 53,236 213,670 174,839 441,745 Payments ($ in millions) 1,278,000 10,478,000 13,896,000 25,652,000 SOURCE: SSA (1940, Table 5, p. 47 and Table 15, p. 34). A smaller, but important, change was also introduced in 1939. Under the 1935 law, benefits were computed based on the total cumulative wages a worker had under covered employment. Thus, a long-time covered worker would receive a higher monthly benefit than one who worked less time under the program- even if they both had the same level of wages. So, for example, if â€Å"worker A† worked 20 years under Social Security and earned $20,000 a year and â€Å"worker B† worked 30 years at $20,000 a year, worker B would receive a higher benefit because his or her cumulative wages would be greater than that of the other worker- even though they were both earning $20,000 a year. 24 As part of the refinancing in the amendments of 1939, benefits were shifted from this cumulative basis to that of average monthly wages. One effect of this change would be that everyone who had the same average monthly wage would receive the same benefit amount, regardless of how many years they were covered under Social Security. The intent here was to make benefits more adequate by insuring that persons with the same earnings level would receive the same benefit. (Keep in mind that in these early years, the benefits were still viewed as replacement of income lost because of cessation of work. So the idea is that persons earning at a given level need the same level of income replacement, regardless of how long they have been covered by the program. ) However, to maintain some equity for long-time program participants, a 1 percent increment was added to the benefit formula for each year of program participation. Thus, a longtime participant would still receive a higher monthly benefit than a short-time one, even if they both earned the same average wages. (Here again, we see the attempt to balance adequacy and equity. ) The 1939 legislation also introduced the first modification of the retirement test. Under this relaxed provision, a retirement benefit was payable for any month in which the beneficiary earned less than $15 (any earnings over this limit produced a zero benefit for that month). This was the beginning of a gradual erosion of the requirement that a beneficiary be fully retired to receive a retirement benefit, a process that would culminate in the elimination of the retirement earnings test (RET) in 2000 for those at or above the full retirement age (FRA). The 1940s: A Decade of Start/Stop Tax Policy The decade of the 1940s was in most respects a quiescent period for Social Security policymaking: No new categories of benefits were added, no significant 9 This was a major expansion of the program. Indeed, one might well say that this was the â€Å"second start† of Social Security in America. The 1939 legislation changed the basic nature of the program from that of a retirement program for an individual worker, to a family-based social insurance system (based on the then-current model of the family, in which the man was the breadwinner with a nonworking wife who cared for the minor children). The 1939 law also made benefits to early program participants significantly higher than under the original law, although benefits were lowered for later participants. And it made benefits for married couples higher than those for single workers, by virtue of the addition of dependents benefits. In addition, benefits for single workers were lowered somewhat from their 1935 values. Thus, early program participants and married couples benefited from the changes in 1939, while single persons and later participants had their benefits reduced. This combination of policy changes was a principal way in which the actuarial balance of the system was to be maintained. These policies considerably increased the cost of the program in the near term. This pleased the opponents of the large reserve because it immediately reduced the size of the reserve. It was claimed that in the long run the changes were revenue neutral, and thus it is unclear what real change the amendments made in the long-range financing of the system. However, this claim for revenue neutrality was not well documented at the time, and it has now come under considerable doubt (DeWitt 2007). The 1939 legislation also introduced the trust fund for the first time as a formal legal device to serve as the asset repository for Social Security surpluses. (Under the 1935 law, Social Security’s funds were more literally a bookkeeping entry in the Treasury Department’s general accounts. ) Social Security Bulletin, Vol. 0, No. 3, 2010 expansions of coverage occurred, the value of benefits was not increased (there were no cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs) in these early days), and the tax rates were not raised during the entire decade. 25 This last nonevent (no tax rate increase) was, however, a significant anomaly. The 1935 law set a schedule of tax increases beginning in 1939. Tax rates were scheduled to rise four times between 1935 and 1950. These periodic increases were necessary in order to meet President Roosevelt’s demand that the system be self-supporting, and they were the basis on which the actuarial estimates were derived. However, as part of the trade-offs in the amendments of 1939, the first rate increase (in 1940) was cancelled. Then with the coming of World War II, the program’s finances were dramatically altered. With virtually full employment in the wartime economy, more payroll taxes began flowing into the system than the actuaries originally anticipated, and retirement claims dropped significantly. The net result was that the trust fund began running a higher balance than was previously projected. This led to the Congress enacting a series of tax rate â€Å"freezes,† which voided the tax schedule in the law. Each time a new tax rate approached, the Congress would void the increase with the expectation that the normal schedule would resume at the next step in the schedule- but this expectation was never met. In all, eight separate legislative acts froze taxes at their 1935 level all the way to 1950 (see Table 4). The Table 4. Projected versus actual Social Security tax rates (employee and employer rates combined), 1937–1950 Year 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 SOURCE: Authors compilation. esult of these rate freezes was unclear at the time (the Congress focused only on the short-run consequences), but it is probable that the effect of these taxing policies produced the first long-range actuarial deficits in the program (DeWitt 2007). The Amendments of 1950 There were three particular features of the program before 1950 that were the source of discontent among advocates and beneficiaries: (1) the program had no provision for periodic benefit inc reases, (2) benefit levels overall were quite low, and (3) the program only covered about half the workers in the economy. There was also continuing debate over the size and role of the trust fund and the long-range status of the program’s finances. The low level of benefits was of particular concern. Even by 1950, the average state old-age welfare benefit was higher than the average Social Security retirement benefit, and the number of persons receiving welfaretype, old-age benefits was greater than the number receiving Social Security retirement benefits. (The average Social Security retirement benefit at the end of 1947 was only $25 per month for a single person (DeWitt, Beland, and Berkowitz (2008, 162). Moreover, because the law made no provision for any kind of benefit increases, whatever amount beneficiaries were awarded in their first monthly payment was the benefit they could expect for the rest of their lives. So, for example, Ida May Fuller (discussed earlier) lived to be 100 years old and thus collected checks for 35 years. Imagine, then, the effect of 35 years of inflation on the purc hasing power of her $22. 54 benefit. The 1950 legislation (like the 1939 legislation) emerged out of the recommendations of an advisory council. 6 The most dramatic provision in the new law raised the level of Social Security benefits for all beneficiaries an average of 77 percent. Although this was not, strictly speaking, a COLA (but rather an effort to raise the overall level of benefits), it did establish a precedent for the idea that benefits should be raised periodically. However, the precedent also meant that benefits were not raised automatically, but only when a special act of Congress was undertaken to do so. Thus, for many years afterwards, benefit increases would remain spotty, until automatic COLAs began in 1975. The match between the pre-1975 benefit increases and the actual rate of inflation was far from perfect. In some years, benefits were increased more than socialsecurity. gov/policy 1935 law 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 3. 0 3. 0 3. 0 4. 0 4. 0 4. 0 5. 0 5. 0 5. 0 6. 0 6. 0 Actual rates 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 3. 0 10 inflation, and in other years they were increased less, or not at all. This mismatch was particularly large in the run-up to automatic COLAs in the early 1970s. In 1972, for example, benefits were increased by 20 percent, while inflation had only risen by 1. 3 percent from the year before. Cumulatively, during this period, benefits increased 391 percent, while inflation only increased 252 percent from 1940 through 1974 (see Table 5). The question of the program’s coverage of occupational categories was also of central concern in the 1950 legislation. Up to this point, coverage had not changed significantly since 1935, and at least two-fifths of the workers in the economy were still excluded from the program. The Social Security Advisory Council explicitly recommended that the Congress adopt the goal of universal coverage, stating â€Å"The basic protection afforded by the contributory social insurance system under the Social Security Act should be available to all who are dependent on income from work. †27 The Congress adopted a large part of the council’s recommendation, bringing 10 million additional workers under coverage. The main groups brought under coverage were most self-employed workers and domestic and agricultural workers. Employees of state and local governments were given the option of voluntary coverage, as were employees of nonprofit institutions (subject to certain conditions). The coverage rules, however, were complex and marked the beginning of a policymaking process for coverage that involved complicated special rules for various occupational groups. 28 Nevertheless, we could say that in the amendments of 1950, the program was put on a glide path toward universal coverage (see Chart 2). The 1950 legislation also addressed the issue of the program’s financing. Tax rates were increased for the first time, and the program’s long-range solvency was assessed; the financing was set such that the program could be certified by the actuaries as being in long-range actuarial balance. 29 This part of the legislation effectively ended the debate over the role of the reserve, and it established the precedent that major changes to the program must be assessed for their long-range impact on program financing (DeWitt 2007). The role of the 1 percent â€Å"increment† introduced in 1939 was to insure that long-time program participants would receive proportionately higher benefits than Social Security Bulletin, Vol. 0, No. 3, 2010 Table 5. Social Security benefit increases compared with inflation, 1940–1974 (in percent) Calendar year 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1940–1974b Increase in benefits Base year None None None None None None None None None 77. 0 None 12. 5 None 13. 0 None None None None 7. 0 None None None None None 7. 0 None None 13. 0 None 15. 0 10. 0 20. 0 None 11. 0 391. 0 Actual increase in inflationa 5 11 6 2 2 8 14 8 -1 1 8 2 1 1 0 1 3 3 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 3 3 4 5 6 4 3 6 11 252 SOURCE: Bureau of Labor Statistics data. Calculations by the author. NOTE: . . . = not applicable. a. Based on Consumer Price Index for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers, nonseasonally adjusted annual averages. b. Cumulative averages. workers who just barely met the coverage requirements. However, as part of the financing adjustments of 1950, the increment was eliminated to pay for a portion of the increase in benefit levels. (That is, future 11 Chart 2. Growth in Social Security coverage, selected years 1935–2007 100 Percent of civilian workers 90 80 70 60 50 40 1935 1939 1940 1944 1945 1949 1950 1955 960 1965 Year 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2007 SOURCE: House Ways and Means Committee 2008 Green Book, Table 1-46, p. 1–106. benefits were lowered for long-time participants so that benefits could be increased immediately. ) Up to this time, members of the military were not covered by Social Security and therefore did not pay Social Security taxes (and could not earn credits toward an eventual It may be no exaggeration Perhaps the most significant benefit). The 1950 law introduced to say that the 1950 change in 1952 was one that did the principle of gratuitous wage Amendments really saved the not happen. Much of the debate credits for military service- which concept of contributory social was treated as covered work, even over the legislation concerned a insurance in this country. proposal for a â€Å"disability freeze. † though no payroll taxes were The idea here is to eliminate from assessed to finance the credits. The Robert M. Ball the computation of a worker’s combination of these changes was benefit any years in which the so significant that the 1950 law has worker had little or no earnings because e or she traditionally been known within Social Security policy was disabled. Including years of little or no earnings as the â€Å"new start† to the program. 30 effectively lowers any eventual retirement ben1952 and 1954: Small Policy Adjustments efits, or, in certain cases, prevents the worker from and Steady Program Growth achieving insured status at all. The â€Å"freeze† was thus designed to prevent these adverse impacts on The amendments of 1952 rais ed benefits by 12. 5 perretirement benefits. Because federal involvement in cent, surprisingly soon after the major boost of 1950. ny aspect of disability policy was strongly opposed They also raised the â€Å"earnings test† limits by 50 perby key interest groups, the Congress ultimately cent and expanded the gratuitous wage credits for enacted an unusual statute that created a freeze, but military service. which had an expiration date before its effective The 1954 amendments produced a major expandate. Even so, it was an acknowledgment- at least in sion of coverage- bringing an additional 10 million principle- of the policy logic of a disability freeze, 12 socialsecurity. gov/policy workers into the system. This law extended coverage to most remaining uncovered farm workers, selfemployed professionals, and state and local government employees (on a voluntary group basis). Benefits were also increased an additional 13 percent. which would subsequently be enacted 2 years later in the amendments of 1954. Disability- unlike the attainment of retirement age or the death of a wage-earner- inevitably involves some degree of judgment in assessing eligibility. It is difficult to determine whether someone is too disabled to work, and hence it is possible that unqualified individuals might become eligible for these benefits. This problem of the inherent difficulty in making a disability determination was part of a concern about whether the costs of such coverage can be meaningfully predicted and controlled. Concerns over the potential costs of disability coverage slowed the addition of these benefits in Social Security. 31 What is most significant about the disability freeze- from an administrative perspective- is that it required the same process for making a disability determination as would be required for determining eligibility for cash disability benefits. Thus, the entire ureaucratic apparatus and the basic policy structure of a disability program were all put in place starting in 1954, even though we think of disability benefits as having arrived in 1956. The Coming of Disability Benefits The freeze legislation of 1954 paved the way for the introduction of cash benefits in 1956 (and provided some degree of reassurance that the administrative challenges of a disability program were manageable). Ev en so, there was significant disagreement regarding disability benefits and whether they should be added to the program. The legislation was in fact adopted by what was, in effect, a single vote in the Congress (DeWitt, Beland, and Berkowitz 2008, 14–15). The initial disability program was limited in scope (reflecting the worries about costs). It paid benefits only to those insured workers aged 50–64 and offered nothing for the dependents of those workers. And the law introduced a special type of insured-status rule for disability: fully insured, with 20 out of the last 40 quarters worked, and currently insured, with 6 out of the last 13 quarters worked). 32 There was a 6-month waiting period before benefits could be paid, and there was no retroactivity. To fully fund the new benefits, tax rates were raised a combined 0. 5 percentage points, and a separate disability trust fund was created. Disability benefits were liberalized in 1958 by extending them to the dependents of a disabled worker, eliminating the currently insured rule, and Social Security Bulletin, Vol. 70, No. 3, 2010 permitting up to 12 months of retroactivity with an application. These benefits were liberalized again in 1960 by extending the primary benefit to disabled workers of any age. This quick liberalization was due to the disability program not being as problematic as some had expected. In addition to creating the disability program, the 1956 legislation contained additional policy changes. Coverage was expanded to members of the military, to previously excluded self-employed professionals, and, optionally, to police and firefighters in state or local retirement systems. Early retirement at age 62 was made available to women (but not men); special rules were adopted permitting women to become insured with fewer quarters of coverage than men, allowing women to average their earnings over a shorter period than men in order to increase their benefit amount. The 1960s: Small Policy Adjustments and Steady Program Growth In addition to the disability liberalization, in 1960 the children’s survivor benefit was raised from 50 percent to 75 percent of the workers primary insurance amount. In 1961, men were granted the option of early retirement, insured status and RET rules were relaxed, and the minimum benefit was increased by 21 percent. The amendments of 1965 (which created the Medicare program) also liberalized the definition of disability by changing the original definition from â€Å"of long continued and indefinite duration† to â€Å"12 months or longer or expected to result in death. This legislation also lowered the eligibility age for widows from 62 to 60, extended children’s benefits to age 21 if a fulltime student, provided benefits to divorced wives and widows if they had been married at least 20 years, and reduced the insured-status requirements for persons attaining age 72 before 1969. Legislation in 1966 granted eligibility to the special age-72 class, even if they had never contributed to Social Security. (These were known as â€Å"Prouty benefits,† named after the Senator who introduced the provision, Winston Lewis Prouty, R-VT. The 1967 amendments provided disabled widows and disabled (dependent) widowers benefits at age 50. On one hand, the definition of disability was tightened to stipulate that disability meant the inability to engage in any substantial gainful activity existing in the national economy, and not just in the local area. (This was consistent with original congressional 13 intent, which had been broadened by court decisions. ) On the other hand, the insured-status requirement for disabled workers aged 31 or younger was relaxed. Additional gratuitous wage credits were granted to the military, and ministers were brought into coverage, unless they opted out on grounds of conscience or religious principles. Financing During the 1950s and 1960s From the end of World War II up until the early 1970s, overall wages in the economy tended to increase about 2 percent per year above prices. This natural wage growth meant that, other things being equal, the Social Security system would see additional income because of these higher wage levels. However, the actuarial estimates used in Social Security were based on an assumption of static wage and price levels because there were no automatic adjustments in the program for either benefit increases that were due to inflation or increases in the wage base as a result of economic growth. Because both benefit increases and changes in the wage base were the result of irregular congressional actions, the actuaries used current law as the basis for their projections. But, because wages did in fact grow faster than prices- and because price adjustments were irregular- from time to time the Congress would find itself in the happy position of having more money in the program than had been projected in previous actuarial estimates. Thus, it became possible to increase benefits without fully commensurate increases in tax rates or the wage base. (These increases were sometimes coupled with expansions of coverage, which paid part of the costs associated with the benefit increases. ) This process was employed several times during the two-decade period from 1950 through 1960, as shown in Table 6. The Amendments of 1972: The Last Major Expansion There were two major bills enacted in 1972, which together, greatly expanded the program; this legislation marked the approximate end of the expansionary period in Social Security policymaking. The first was a simple bill to raise the limit on the national debt. In the Senate, a rider was attached to the debt-limit bill creating the automatic annual COLA procedure beginning in 1975. This was a huge policy change that was adopted in a surprisingly casual manner, although it had been debated for several years, and 14 Table 6. Benefit increases compared with tax rates and the wage base, selected years 1952–1972 Year 1952 1954 1959 1965 1968 1970 1971 1972 Benefit increases (%) 12. 50 13. 00 7. 00 7. 00 13. 00 15. 00 10. 00 20. 00 Tax ratea (%) Unchanged + 0. 5 (each) + 0. 25 (each) Unchangedb -0. 10 Unchanged 0. 40 Unchanged Wage base ($) Unchanged Unchanged + 600 (annual) Unchangedb + 1,200 (annual) Unchanged Unchanged + 1,200 (annual) SOURCE: SSA (2010, Table 2. A3, pp. 2. 4–2. 5). a. Does not include Medicare or self-employment tax rates. b. Rate was unchanged in 1965, but was increased 0. percent in 1966, and the wage base was raised $1,800 as part of same legislation. the Nixon administration was in support of the idea (DeWitt, Beland, and Berkowitz (2008, 267–281). The fact that Social Security benefits are raised whenever there is price inflation in the economy is a major aspect of their value and is a significant contributor to overall program costs. Not only was an â€Å"auto matic† mechanism introduced to raise benefits along with prices, but the wage base and the annual exempt amounts under the RET were also put on an automatic basis, tied to the rise in average wages (also beginning in 1975). Subsequent legislation in late 1972 provided additional expansions of the program, which included introducing delayed retirement credits to raise the benefits of workers who postponed filing for Social Security, a new special minimum benefit for workers with low lifetime earnings, benefits for dependent grandchildren, benefits to widowers at age 60, Medicare coverage after 2 years of receiving disability benefits, a reduced disability waiting period from 6 to 5 months, and disability benefits for children disabled before attaining age 22. The legislation also created the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program. ) The 1977 Amendments: The Beginning of Retrenchment By the mid-1970s, there were serious financing problems evident in the Social Security program. This was due principally to the adverse economic conditions of the mid-1970s (â€Å"stagflation†). The Social Security actuaries reported in 1973 that for the first time, the socialsecurity. gov/policy program was no lo nger in long-range actuarial balance, and there were difficulties projected in the near term as well. In fact, during the 1975–1981 period, the program was in annual deficit, and assets of the trust funds had to be redeemed to make up the shortfalls. 33 The projected long-range deficits would continue for a decade (until the major legislation of 1983). 34 Moreover, a major flaw was present in the 1972 legislation that created the â€Å"automatics† for price and wage adjustments. This technical flaw had the effect of greatly inflating benefits far beyond the intent of Congress and the traditional expected rates of income replacement. This too had to be addressed in the 1977 legislation. The 1977 amendments were principally targeted toward the issue of program financing. To correct the indexing error, the adjustments for prices and wages were â€Å"decoupled† (DeWitt, Beland, and Berkowitz 2008, 285–287 and 298–323). The practical effect of decoupling was to lower benefits, and the change was applied only to new beneficiaries. To further soften the impact of this reduction, the Congress devised a 5-year phase-in period, during which time benefits were gradually reduced such that they would be at the proper level for those beneficiaries retiring 5 years from the effective date of the decoupling. This attempt at â€Å"softening the blow† backfired as those in the phase-down group saw themselves as victims of an unfair â€Å"notch† in benefits. 35 In addition to the decoupling, the 1977 legislation further addressed the financing issue with a combination of tax increases and benefit reductions. On the revenue side, the law set up a schedule of rate increases such that by 1990, the tax rate would be 6. 2 percent (this is still the current rate). Also the wage base was increased in an ad hoc manner beyond the increases authorized in the 1972 law (a total increase of $12,000 in three steps). The automatic provision would then start again from this higher wage base. On the benefit side, there were three additional provisions reducing benefits: (1) the initial minimum benefit was frozen at $122 per month, (2) benefits for spouses and surviving spouses were offset by an amount related to any government pension that spouses received based on their own work not covered by Social Security (the Government Pension Offset), and (3) the RET was shifted from a monthly to an annual basis. Also on the benefit side, there were three provisions increasing benefits: (1) the exempt amount under the RET was increased in an ad hoc adjustment by raising it for 5 years for those retirees aged 65 or older, (2) the duration of marriage requirement for divorced and surviving divorced spouses was cut in half- from 20 years to 10, and (3) the value of delayed retirement credits was increased. The net savings from these changes (expressed as a percent of payroll)36 follow: Decoupling: + 4. 79 percent of payroll Additional benefit changes: + 0. 8 percent of payroll Tax changes: + 1. 78 percent of payroll In other words, 26 percent of the savings came from tax increases and 74 percent from benefit cuts. The impact on overall financing was to reduce the longrange deficit from 8. 20 percent of payroll to 1. 46 percent of payroll (SSA 1977). The amendments were said to have restored solvency to the program for the next 50 years, rather than the full 75 years that had traditionally bee n used as the projection period. Clearly, the long-term financing issues had not been fully resolved by the 1977 legislation. The Disability Legislation of the 1980s The Disability Insurance program came under renewed scrutiny during the first half of the 1980s. Throughout the 1970s, disability incidence rates were steadily rising. This led to concern in the Congress and in the Carter administration that disability costs were soaring out of control. Around the same time, the General Accounting Office (GAO 1978) conducted a very small study of disabled SSI recipients and found that perhaps as many as 24 percent were no longer disabled. An internal study by the Social Security Administration (SSA 1981) found that about 18 percent of the expenditures for the Social Security disability program was being paid to beneficiaries who were no longer disabled (DeWitt, Beland, and Berkowitz 2008, 369–374). 37 Thus, in 1980, major disability legislation was enacted in an effort to control costs in the program, to review those already receiving benefits, and to remove those who no longer qualified as disabled. The legislation mandated that the reviews begin by January 1982, and it projected savings from the reviews of about $10 million over 5 years. A follow-up study by GAO (1981) sampled Social Security disability beneficiaries and suggested that as many as 20 percent were no longer disabled, costing the program $2 billion a year. 15 Social Security Bulletin, Vol. 70, No. 3, 2010 Upon taking office in early 1981, the Reagan administration decided to accelerate the review process, as this was now projected to be a significant source of budget savings. The reviews began in July 1981 and rather quickly ran into serious political controversy and to public outcries in opposition to the reviews. 38 Among other problems, the reviews required only an examination of existing medical records, not face-to-face contact with the beneficiary. This led to isolated instances of obviously disabled individuals having their benefits stopped- incidents that were given wide publicity in the media. Also, the initial round of reviews was targeted to those classes of beneficiaries most likely to have recovered. This seemingly sensible idea led to much higher initial cessation rates than Congress or the public expected, which led in turn to charges that SSA was engaging in a wholesale â€Å"purge† of disability beneficiaries. 39 SSA also adopted a number of policy positions in the reviews that proved highly problematic. For example, cessations were processed without requiring proof of medical improvement. 40 Also, when faced with multiple nonsevere impairments, SSA did not consider the combined effect of the impairments. 41 Massive litigation ensued in the federal courts, virtually swamping the court system. 2 These lawsuits led to decisions overturning various SSA policies, which prompted the agency to adopt a very controversial practice of issuing formal rulings of â€Å"nonacquiescence† with certain court decisions. 43 Because of their opposition to SSA’s policies, the governors of nine states (comprising 28 percent of the national workload) issued executive orders st opping their state agencies from processing any disability review cases. 44 The controversies around the disability reviews became so great that the Congress enacted the Disability Benefits Reform Act of 1984 to restrain the activities set in motion by the 1980 legislation. Key provisions of the act, as highlighted in Collins and Erfle (1985), follow: A finding of medical improvement (or other related changes) was necessary to cease disability benefits; The combined effect of multiple nonsevere impairments must be considered in disability determinations; SSA was required to promulgate new mental impairment rules, reopen all cases of prior cessations involving mental impairments, and reevaluate them under the revised rules; SSA was given explicit authority to federalize any state agency making Social Security disability decisions that refused to comply with federal regulations; and A â€Å"sense of Congress† was expressed stating that nonacquiescence was an invalid legal posture, and if SSA elected to continue this practice, then it was obligated to seek a definitive U. S. Supreme Court review of the constitutionality of the procedure. (SSA dropped the practice. This legislation established the current policy context under which the disability program continues to operate. The Amendments of 1983: The Modern Form of the Program As mentioned, the Social Security program was running annual deficits beginning in 1975, and the assets of the trust funds were being drawn down to make up the shortfalls. Moreover, the stress on the program’s financing worsened considerably, even after the financing changes of 1977 that improved the long-term position of Social Security. But the short term continued to be problematic. Indeed, the amendments of 1983 were signed into law in April, at which time the trust funds were projected to be entirely depleted in August. Thus, trust fund exhaustion and the attendant benefit â€Å"default† were only 4 months away. 45 Initially, the 1977 effort seemed successful. The 1978 and 1979 Annual Reports of the Board of Trustees of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance and Disability Insurance Trust Funds indicated a

Teens and young adults covet certain brand-name clothing because they Essay

Teens and young adults covet certain brand-name clothing because they believe it promotes a particular image - Essay Example The brand image is a key factor that determines the success in marketing a brand. The image helps products associated with a particular brand to stand out from competing products. A good brand creates a connection with the customer as the sole total solution to the customer’s wants. It positions itself as being the consumer’s first choice. This essay will outline the role of companies and their consumers in branding. By means of examples, it will seek to establish who drives a brand image. Company role in branding Brands like Coca Cola, Gillette, Pepsi and Adidas are successful all over the world. This success and positive reception by the consumers can be attributed to quite a number of roles played by the companies. Strategic marketing, with an objective and a target audience is essential in developing a positive brand image. A key example is Adidas’ association with sports. Adidas has over the years sponsored sports competitions such as the Adidas Championship Football and hence increased its brand’s visibility. Adidas also place big sized shoes at public places. These Adidas branded shoes increase the company’s visibility and hence a stronger brand image. A simple slogan and company symbol are also essential in creating a permanent association to the brand by the consumer. Symbols such as Adidas’ three blue stripes and Nike’s tick are easily recognizable. These two symbols are associated with sports in the eyes of the consumer (Philip 2006). Building a strong brand image also entails endorsements and association with the right persons. Association with well known, successful and trusted personalities increases the chances of a brand having an edge over its competitors. Association with well known persons may give the customer a sense of security on a product and a feeling of attachment to the star. This is especially true when the consumer is a fan of the endorser. Such endorsements come mostly from sports pe rsonalities, such as Jordan’s endorsement for Nike. David Beckham and Zinadine Zidane, two legendary football stars remind one of Adidas. Along with these roles, manufacturing quality products that satisfy consumers’ needs, having a good public reputation as a company and delivering promises on a product helps create a strong brand image (Philip 2006). The brand name Adidas is easy to recall. It stands out from competitors’ names and the logo is easily noticeable. This creates a distinct identity hence image of Adidas on consumers. Adidas has dedicated resources to aid in optimization of its products so as to be able to deliver the best sportswear and equipment a sportsperson can access. This has led to production of quality products and hence reinforced Adidas’ brand image in sports. Adidas CEO, Adi Dassler ensures personal presence at important sports functions thereby creating a connection between him and consumers. This earns Adidas consumer loyalty a nd more attachment to the brand (Aaker & Joachimsthaler 2006) Consumers’ role in branding The consumer’s role in branding cannot pass un-noticed by companies. Consumers have needs and expectations on a product. They tend to choose the product which meets their needs and fulfils their expectations. With online forums and social networking sites, consumers can discuss and rate various brands of a product. The shared opinions form an image of the respective brands to new consumers. This image governs the new consumers’